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Time
for The Times
to Fess Up.
Written
by Mackenzie Wark
to The New York Times,
July 10, 2007.
To
the Editor:
It’s a bit rich for Frank Rich (“When the Vice President
Does It, That Means It’s Not Illegal,” July 1, 2007)
to write of the "bitter legacy of much of the Washington press's
failure to penetrate the hyping of pre-war intelligence" without
bothering to mention the culpability of The New York Times itself
in this sordid business. What, did you think we would forget Judith
Miller? Until the Times apologizes and accounts for its own negligence,
its credibility will be no greater than that of
the criminal administration it has aided and abetted.
—McKenzie Wark
—Jackson Heights NY
EDITOR’S NOTE:
Some among our editorial group found Prof. Wark’s critique
of Frank Rich, as culpable in the New York Times’ passing
on of tainted news, problematic. Frank Rich more than any other
Times columnist, they felt, has been a consistent, intelligent and
relentless critic of the Bush administration and its war in Iraq.
As a theatre critic, Rich was a fascinating choice to be a columnist
writing about a reality that is, for the most part, staged.
In terms of the Times apologizing, it should be noted that the paper
did publish an editorial in news the news section (“The Times
and Iraq” May 26, 2004) which, while it praised the the majority
of its war coverage, made an unprecedented admission that the paper
had, at times, failed in its duty to provide reliable information.
There was no formal apology, but this was the moment when the editorial
page began to assume an increasingly critical stance towards the
Iraq War and towards the Bush administration in general. “The
Times and Iraq” is quoted, in part, below:
“[W]e have found a number of instances of coverage that
was not as rigorous as it should have been. In some cases, information
that was controversial then, and seems questionable now, was insufficiently
qualified or allowed to stand unchallenged. Looking back, we wish
we had bee more aggressive in re-examining the claims as new evidence
emerged — nor failed to emerge.
“The problematic articles varied in authorship and subject
matter, but many shared a common feature. They depended at least
in part on information from a circle of Iraqi informants, defectors
and exiles bent on “regime change” in Iraq, people whose
credibility has come under increasing public debate in recent weeks.
(The most prominent of the anti-Saddam campaigners, Ahmad Chalabi,
has been named as an occasional source in Times articles since at
least 1991, and has introduced reporters to other exiles. He became
a favorite of hard-liners within the Bush administration and a paid
broker of information from Iraqi exiles, until his payments were
cut off last week.) Complicating matters for journalists, the accounts
of these exiles were often eagerly confirmed by United States officials
convinced of the need to intervene in Iraq. Administration officials
now acknowledge that they sometimes fell for misinformation from
these exile sources. So did many news organizations — in particular,
this one.
“Some critics of our coverage during that time have focused
blame on individual reporters. Our examination, however, indicates
that the problem was more complicated. Editors at several levels
who should have been challenging reporters and pressing for more
skepticism were perhaps too intent on rushing scoops into the paper.
Accounts of Iraqi defectors were not always weighed against their
strong desire to have Saddam Hussein ousted. Articles based on dire
claims about Iraq tended to get prominent display, while follow-up
articles that called the original ones into question were sometimes
buried. In some cases, there was no follow-up at all.”
Missing from this, of course, was any willingness to acknowledge
reportorial and/or editorial willingness to participate in erecting
the “bodyguard of lies,” the propaganda that Churchill
saw as a an essential element in the waging of war.
Rather, the problems referred to in this rare “mea culpa”
were portrayed as unconscious instances of institutional sloppiness
that, readers were assured, would now come to an end.

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A
Hero Disappears.
Written
by George Jochnowitz
to The Boston Globe,
April 25, 2007.
To the Editor:
Steven Almond writes, “Last week’s massacre at Virginia Tech,
in which a student named Seung-hui Cho killed 32 people, then took his
own life, set off a predictable frenzy of media coverage” [Op-ed,
April 25]. What was not predictable was a part of the tragedy where there
was no frenzy of reporting at all.
The story of the real hero of the Virginia Tech tragedy, Liviu Librescu,
who held the door closed while his students escaped, was underplayed.
Nobody has interviewed the students who jumped out the window while he
was blocking the door. Nobody has remarked that it was an Israeli who
knew how to respond—someone from a country whose citizens regularly
face attacks by suicide killers.
—George Jochnowitz
—New York City

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The
Old Democratic Majority.
Written
by Robert W. Snyder
to The New York Times,
November 19, 2006.
To the Editor:
Thomas Edsall’s description of the Democrats in the Fifties (“The
Unraveling Begins?” 18 November 2006) omits a crucial element in
their power: white southerners who later left the party and joined the
Republicans because it ceased to be a reliable bulwark of white supremacy.
Whatever the long-term results of Rep. Nancy Pelosi’s recent difficulties,
the Democratic Party has always been an ideologically messy coalition.
If today’s congressional Democrats have to juggle a variety of perspectives,
that’s the price of being a majority. If they have to do it without
the presence of “Dixiecrats” committed to Jim Crow, that’s
progress.
—Robert W. Snyder
—Associate Professor of Journalism
& Media
—Rutgers University,
—Newark, NJ

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