| Constitutional
Guarantees.
Written by David Manning
to The New York Times,
April 15, 2007.
To the Editor:
Re: “Everybody Hates Don Imus” (April 15). Okay, the
constitution guarantees free speech. That’s great. But it
does not guarantee everyone a radio program.
—David Manning
—New
York

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will be reviewed and
posted on a daily basis.
Shaping
History.
Written by Lancy deHaven Smith to
The New York Times,
July 25, 2006.
To the Editor:
As a scholar who has been studying various accounts of how the Bush
administration arrived at its decision to invade Iraq, I was baffled
by Bryan Burrough’s superficial review of The
One Percent Doctrine by Ron Suskind. Burrough
starts by making an unfavorable comparison between Suskind’s
new book and the supposedly more thorough works of Bob Woodward,
and yet, in the rest of the review, Burrough does not even mention
Suskind’s startling revelations which challenge perhaps the
most important claim that Woodward has made about the Bush administration’s
pre-invasion decision making.
In Plan
of Attack, which was published in 2004 as the
presidential election was approaching, Woodward reported that in
December 2002, as the possible invasion of Iraq was being considered,
President Bush was briefed in the Oval Office by CIA staff about
intelligence findings on whether Iraq possessed, or was in the process
of developing weapons of mass destruction (WMD). According to Woodward,
the President responded to the briefing by saying that the evidence
for WMD was weak, at which point CIA Director George Tenet stood
up, “threw his arms in the air,” and declared, “It’s
a slam dunk case!” (See Plan of Attack, p. 249.)
Suskind offers a different account of this meeting and implies that
Woodward was set up by Bush and his staff to provide cover for Bush
after it became clear that there were no WMDs in Iraq to be found.
In The One Percent Doctrine (p. 188), Suskind reports that
neither Tenet nor the other CIA official at the meeting (John McLaughlin)
remember Tenet ever raising his arms or saying “slam dunk.”
Moreover, Suskind points out that the story about this meeting was
not conveyed by Bush to Woodward until late 2003—almost a
year after the meeting had occurred—by which time suspicions
were mounting that Bush had taken the nation to war under false
pretenses. Knowing what we do now about how Bush, Cheney, and Scooter
Libby tried to discredit Joseph Wilson by manipulating reporters,
the idea that Bush might have used Woodward in a similar way makes
sense.
The question of whether the President intentionally misrepresented
intelligence reports to justify the invasion of Iraq continues to
be disputed and remains critically important to how Americans evaluate
the war in Iraq, the Bush administration, and the performance of
America’s political institutions. This issue has never been
investigated by Congress, apparently because Congressional Republicans
have no interest in looking into the actions of a Republican president,
even if—or especially if--the President may have lied to Congress
and misled the nation. In the absence of a formal inquiry, investigative
journalism is our best hope for learning the truth, and The
One Percent Doctrine offers new and important information.
Why would Burrough ignore this and instead focus on Suskind’s
writing style, character portrayals, and scene-setting?
—Lance deHaven-Smith, Ph.D.
—Professor
of Public Administration
—and
Policy
—Florida
State University
—Tallahassee,
FL

Comments
will be reviewed and
posted on a daily basis.
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